Introduction

i.1The Detailed Account of the Previous Aspirations of the Seven Thus-Gone Ones opens in Vaiśālī, where the Buddha Śākyamuni is seated with a saṅgha of eight thousand monks, thirty-six thousand bodhisattvas, and a large gathering of gods, spirit beings, and humans. As Śākyamuni concludes his teaching, the bodhisattva Mañjuśrī rises from his seat and requests that the Buddha give a Dharma teaching that will benefit all the human and nonhuman beings who are present in the assembly, and he asks Śākyamuni to teach them about the previous aspirations of the seven thus-gone ones, their buddhafields, and the benefits that they can bring to beings who live in the final five hundred years, when the holy Dharma is nearly gone. Śākyamuni then declares that he will give a detailed account of the previous aspirations of those seven thus-gone ones to benefit beings who are veiled by karmic obscurations, tormented by illnesses, and plagued by mental anguish and suffering. The medical applications of the text are thus made explicit in its introduction, though of course the ends to which the text may be used surpass its medical applications in curing illness and protecting devotees from demonic possession.

i.1《七如來本願經》在毗舍離開始,釋迦牟尼佛與八千名僧伽、三萬六千名菩薩,以及眾多天神、精靈和人類聚集在一起。當釋迦牟尼佛講法結束時,菩薩文殊師利童子起身請求佛陀為大眾開示一部法門,使現場的所有人類和非人類眾生都能受益。他請釋迦牟尼佛為大眾講述七位如來的本願、他們的佛土,以及這些佛土能為在聖法即將衰退的最後五百年中生活的眾生帶來的利益。釋迦牟尼佛於是宣布他將詳細講述那七位如來的本願,以利益被業障所遮蔽、被疾病所折磨、被心理痛苦和苦難所困擾的眾生。雖然這部經典的用途遠遠超過了治療疾病和保護信徒免受魔障的醫療應用,但該文本的醫療應用卻在其序言中得到了明確說明。

i.2Each of the seven thus-gone ones is said to dwell in the East in his own buddhafield, where each one lives and teaches the Dharma. The names of the seven thus-gone ones and their buddhafields are as follows:

i.2據說七位如來各自住在東方的自己的佛土中,在那裡生活並傳授法。七位如來及其佛土的名稱如下:

1. Supari­kīrtita­nāma­dheyaśrī­rāja; Unconquered

1. 妙音聲功德王如來;無勝世界

2. Kuśala­tejonir­ghoṣa­rāja; Abounding in Jewels

2. 善光照音聲王如來;寶莊嚴世界

3. Suvarṇa­bhadra­vimala­ratna­prabhā­savrata­siddhi; Heaped with Jewels and Full of Perfume

3. 金色賢善清淨寶光誓願成就如來;寶積香世界

4. Aśokottamaśrī; Without Anguish

無憂最勝吉祥如來;無憂世界

5. Dharmakīrtisāgaraghoṣa; Victory Banner of the Dharma

5. 法幢光音自在王佛;法幢淨土

6. Dharma­sāgarā­gramati­vikrīḍitā­bhijñā­rāja; Standing in an Ocean of Jewels

法海遊戲智慧王佛;寶海淨土

7. Bhaiṣajya­guru­vaiḍūrya­prabha; Vaiḍūryanirbhāsa

7. 藥師琉璃光如來;琉璃光淨土

i.3In response to Mañjuśrī’s request, Śākyamuni proceeds to enumerate the aspirations that each of these thus-gone ones made when they first generated the mind of awakening and the qualities of the buddhafield that each of them generated upon attaining perfect buddhahood. The material in the first section (Tib. bam po) of the text contains the previous aspirations of the first six thus-gone ones, while the material in the second section of the text opens with a discourse on the previous aspirations of the Thus-Gone One Bhaiṣajya­guru­vaiḍūrya­prabha, commonly known as the “Medicine Buddha” (Tib. sangs rgyas sman bla) that is nearly identical to the shorter sūtra that bears his name and that follows in the Kangyur, Toh 504.

i.3為了回應文殊菩薩的請求,釋迦牟尼開始列舉這七位如來各自在最初生起菩提心時所發的本願,以及他們各自在證得圓滿佛陀之境時所莊嚴的佛土的功德。本經的第一部分包含了前六位如來的本願,而第二部分則開始敘述藥師琉璃光佛的本願,這位如來通常被稱為「藥師佛」。他的本願內容與甘珠爾中編號504的較短經文幾乎完全相同,該經文在藏文大藏經中緊接在本經之後。

i.4When Śākyamuni’s detailed account of the previous aspirations of the seven thus-gone ones is complete, Mañjuśrī responds by vowing to proclaim the text in the future and provides a short set of instructions on how to worship the text. Śākyamuni then turns to his disciple Ānanda and asks if he has any doubts or reservations about the skillful means of the seven thus-gone ones. Ānanda assures Śākyamuni that he does not doubt what he has heard, but then suggests that other beings might. The Buddha then assures Ānanda, and by extension anyone who might read this sūtra, that it is impossible for anyone who has heard the name Bhaiṣajya­guru­vaiḍūrya­prabha to be reborn in the lower realms.

i.4當釋迦牟尼對七位如來的本願進行詳細闡述完畢後,文殊菩薩隨即發誓將在未來弘揚此經,並提供了一套簡要的禮敬此經的方法。釋迦牟尼接著轉向他的弟子阿難,問他對七位如來的方便是否有任何疑惑或保留。阿難向釋迦牟尼保證,他對所聽聞的內容並無懷疑,但隨後暗示其他眾生可能會有疑慮。佛陀隨即向阿難以及任何可能閱讀此經的眾生保證,凡是聽聞藥師琉璃光淨土如來之名號的人,都不可能再投生到三惡道中。

i.5The text continues with material also found in the shorter sūtra, Toh 504, where we find a set of instructions from the bodhisattva Trāṇamukta on how making offerings to Bhaiṣajya­guru­vaiḍūrya­prabha can interrupt the death process and call a dying person’s consciousness back to their body. Trāṇamukta outlines a ritual that is performed over a forty-nine-day period that begins with observing the eightfold purification vows, providing support for the offering rite to the monastic saṅgha, and contemplating Bhaiṣajyaguru’s name three times each day and three times each night. Then, presumably, the monastic saṅgha members that one has supplied with provisions for the offering rite recite the text forty-nine times and offer oil lamps to seven statues of Bhaiṣajyaguru for a forty-nine-day period. Trāṇamukta notes that kings can also perform this rite to avert disaster and ensure the happiness of the kingdom. He concludes his instructions with a brief enumeration of nine types of untimely death, assuring Ānanda that the problem of untimely death is precisely the reason that Śākyamuni has taught the use of mantras and medicines. This part of the text concludes with the vow of the twelve great yakṣa generals, who make a commitment to protect anyone who bears the name of Bhaiṣajyaguru or supports his worship. The vow of the twelve yakṣa generals marks the end of the portion of this text that corresponds to the material found in the shorter sūtra, Toh 504.

i.5經文繼續記載了在較短經文《德格版504》中也能找到的內容。在這部分中,菩薩救脫向人們介紹了對藥師琉璃光佛作供養如何能夠中斷死亡過程,並將臨終者的意識召喚回到身體中。救脫菩薩概述了一項為期四十九天的儀式,開始於持守八關齋戒,為僧伽的供養儀式提供支持,以及每天三次、每晚三次思念藥師佛的名號。隨後,據推測,接受供養儀式物資支持的僧伽成員誦持此經四十九次,並在四十九天期間向七尊藥師佛像供養油燈。救脫菩薩指出,國王也可以舉行此儀式以避免災難並確保國家的幸福。他以簡要列舉九種非時死亡作為總結,向阿難保證非時死亡正是釋迦牟尼教導使用真言和藥物的原因。經文這部分的最後是十二位大夜叉將軍的誓願,他們承諾保護任何稱念藥師佛名號或支持其信仰的眾生。十二位夜叉將軍的誓願標誌著這部經文中與較短經文《德格版504》相應內容部分的結束。

i.6A number of gods in the assembly then begin to wonder how simply hearing the names of these buddhas, who, after all, live in buddhafields that are inconceivably far away from our own Sahā world, could really allow beings to develop such good qualities. In response to their skepticism, Śākyamuni enters into a state of absorption that summons the seven thus-gone ones before the assembly. Amazed, the gods make offerings to the seven thus-gone ones and set forth their aspiration that all beings might attain this absorption and be able to actually see them, just as they have. Mañjuśrī then asks the seven thus-gone ones to teach a dhāraṇī that can overcome illnesses and protect beings from those with ill intentions, planetary influences, lunar asterisms, death, enemies, and wild animals, and that can fulfill all beings’ wishes. The seven thus-gone ones recite their dhāraṇī and provide a description of the recitation ritual and the benefits of performing it. This is followed by a dhāraṇī given by Vajrapāṇi, Śakra, and the Four Great Kings, as well as another dhāraṇī pronounced by Vajrapāṇi alone.

i.6集會中的許多天神開始想知道,僅僅聽聞這些佛陀的名號,這些佛陀畢竟住在距離我們娑婆世界難以想像的遙遠佛土,怎麼可能真的能讓眾生培養出這樣的善業品質。為了回應他們的疑慮,釋迦牟尼進入禪定境界,將七位如來召現在大眾面前。天神們為之驚嘆,向七位如來供養,並發願讓所有眾生都能獲得這樣的禪定,能夠像他們一樣實際親見七位如來。文殊菩薩隨即請七位如來傳授陀羅尼,用以克服疾病,保護眾生免受惡意者、行星影響、月宿災害、死亡、敵人和野獸的傷害,並能滿足所有眾生的願望。七位如來誦念他們的陀羅尼,並提供誦持的儀軌說明和修行的功德利益。隨後是金剛手菩薩、帝釋天和四大天王共同傳授的陀羅尼,以及金剛手菩薩單獨宣說的另一陀羅尼。

i.7Finally, the text concludes with Ānanda asking Śākyamuni what title this discourse should bear. Śākyamuni responds by providing the following four titles:

i.7最後,經文以阿難向釋迦牟尼詢問此教法應當如何命名而作結。釋迦牟尼佛陀以下列四個名題作為回應:

1. The Detailed Account of the Previous Aspirations of the Seven Thus-Gone, Worthy, and Perfect Buddhas

七佛如來、應供、正遍知本願功德經詳述

2. The Bodhisattva Vajrapāṇi’s Vow

2. 金剛手菩薩的誓願

3. Purifying All Karmic Obscurations and Fulfilling All Hopes

淨除一切業障圓滿所有願望

4. The Vows of the Twelve Great Yakṣa Generals

十二夜叉大將本願經

i.8There is no known Sanskrit edition or manuscript of this version of the sūtra, but a large portion of the text is almost identical with the shorter sūtra, Toh 504, which survives in three Sanskrit editions edited and compiled from the cache of Buddhist Sanskrit manuscripts excavated from a stūpa in Gilgit in the early twentieth century. Gregory Schopen notes that at least five manuscripts of this text were found among the Gilgit collection, and that there were at least two distinct recensions of the text circulating in Gilgit during the fifth and sixth centuries. Even earlier evidence of the existence of the shorter sūtra comes in the form of a Chinese translation very similar to the later versions of the shorter text, included as the twelfth and final fascicle of a longer work (Taishō 1331) translated by Śrīmitra in the early fourth century ᴄᴇ. A Chinese translation of the present, seven tathāgata form of the sūtra (Taishō 451) was made in 707 CE by Yijing.

i.8這個版本的經典沒有已知的梵文版本或寫本,但其中大部分內容與較短的經典(德格版目錄號504)幾乎完全相同。這部較短的經典在二十世紀初從吉爾吉特塔中出土的佛教梵文寫本藏品中保留了三個梵文版本。格里高利·肖朋指出,在吉爾吉特藏品中至少發現了五部這一文本的寫本,並且在五至六世紀期間,吉爾吉特地區至少流傳著兩個不同的文本版本。較短經典存在的更早證據來自於一部中文翻譯,其內容與較短文本的後期版本非常相似,被收錄為一部更長作品(大正藏1331)的第十二部也是最後一部分,由斯里密多於四世紀初翻譯。現存的七如來形式的經典的中文翻譯(大正藏451)由義淨在707年翻譯完成。

i.9Some substantial passages from the Bhaiṣajya­guru­sūtra in Sanskrit have also survived as several citations in Śāntideva’s (685–783 ᴄᴇ) Śikṣāsamuccaya, indicating that the text continued to be well known in the Buddhist heartland of India in the eighth century ᴄᴇ.

i.9在寂天(685–783 ᴄᴇ)的《學集論》中也保存了梵文《藥師經》的一些重要段落,作為多處引文出現,這表明該經文在第八世紀時仍然在印度佛教中心廣為人知。

i.10The exact relationship between Toh 503 and Toh 504 remains unclear. In his brief study of traditions associated with Bhaiṣajyaguru, Leonard Zwilling argues that Toh 504 was enlarged into Toh 503, stating that the vows of the other six thus-gone ones “by and large, duplicate those of Bhaiṣajyaguru, and their Buddha-fields are merely named [and] lack any sufficiently distinctive individuating characteristics.” As readers can see for themselves in this translation, this does not seem to be the case, at least with respect to the Tibetan translation of the text. The aspirations of each of the seven thus-gone ones differ in both number and content, the descriptions of each of the buddhafields contain notable differences, and none of the aspirations and buddhafields of the six buddhas that precede Bhaiṣajya­guru­vaiḍūrya­prabha appear to duplicate his aspirations and the description of his buddhafield. In addition, the role of hearing and reciting the names of these buddhas receives far greater emphasis in the aspirations of the first six buddhas than it does in the account of Bhaiṣajyaguru’s twelve aspirations. Judging from the syntax, word choices, and organization of the presentation of Bhaiṣajyaguru’s aspirations, it is quite possible that Toh 504 was an independent text that was at some point incorporated into Toh 503. However, analyzing the first section of the text using these same criteria also suggests the possibility that the aspirations of the first six buddhas in Toh 503 represent a compilation of several independent texts containing bodhisattva “aspirations.” The text itself hints at its own eclectic origins in its conclusion, where Śākyamuni provides four separate titles for the work that each refer to separate sections of the text.

i.10德格版503號與504號文獻之間的確切關係仍然不清楚。佛教學者倫納德·茲威林在其關於藥師佛傳統的簡要研究中主張504號被擴編成503號,他聲稱其他六位如來的誓願「基本上重複了藥師的誓願,而他們的佛土只是被命名,缺乏任何足夠獨特的個別特徵。」但如讀者在本翻譯中所見,這似乎並非事實,至少就該文本的藏文翻譯而言。七位如來的本願在數量和內容上各不相同,每個佛土的描述都含有顯著差異,而且先於藥師琉璃光佛的六位佛陀的本願和佛土描述都不與藥師琉璃光佛的本願及其佛土描述相重複。此外,聽聞和誦念這些佛陀名號的作用在前六位佛陀的本願中獲得了遠大於藥師琉璃光佛十二本願記述中的強調。根據藥師琉璃光佛本願的句法、措辭和陳述組織來判斷,504號很可能是一部獨立的文本,後來在某個時點被納入了503號。然而,用同樣的標準分析文本的第一部分也暗示503號中前六位佛陀的本願可能代表了多部包含菩薩「本願」的獨立文本的匯編。該文本本身在其結尾處暗示了其本身兼雜的起源,釋迦牟尼在那裡為該著作提供了四個不同的標題,每一個都指涉文本的不同部分。

i.11The translators’ colophon to the Tibetan translation of Toh 503 tells us that the text was translated by three ninth-century Indian preceptors‍—Jinamitra, Dānaśīla, and Śīlendrabodhi‍—in conjunction with Bandé Yeshé Dé (mid-eighth to early ninth century), placing the date for its initial translation into Tibetan in the early ninth century. This date is confirmed by the text’s appearance in both the Denkarma and Phangthangma royal Tibetan catalogs of translated works. Although both royal Tibetan catalogs indicate that this text was originally classified as a sūtra, Butön lists it in different works as both a sūtra and a tantra, and in all Kangyurs it is placed with the tantras of the Action (kriyā) class. In the Degé Kangyur the cycle of four works related to the Buddha Bhaiṣajya­guru­vaiḍūrya­prabha, with this as the first, is presented among the Action Tantras related to the principal figure of the tathāgata family (de bzhin gshegs pa’i rigs kyi gtso bo).

i.11藏文版《藥師琉璃光七佛本願功德經》(德格版目錄號503)的譯者跋文告訴我們,這部經文由三位九世紀的印度戒師——寶德、施戒論師和戒賢論師——與班的耶謝德(八世紀中期至九世紀初期)共同翻譯,將其初次藏文翻譯的時間確定在九世紀初期。這個時間由該經文在登噶瑪和龐塘瑪兩部皇家藏文翻譯目錄中的出現而得到證實。雖然兩部皇家藏文目錄都表明這部經文最初被分類為經文,但布頓在不同著作中將其列為經文和密續兩類,在所有的甘珠爾版本中,它都被置於事部密續之中。在德格版甘珠爾中,與藥師琉璃光佛相關的四部著作的組集,以本經為首,被列在如來族主要人物相關的事部密續之中。

i.12Inspired by certain passages in the sūtra that describe the worship of the seven thus-gone ones, as well as by the sūtra as a whole, a number of commentaries have detailed how one might actually perform the rites they contain. The earliest examples of these liturgical commentaries in Tibet are now found in the Tengyur, where they are attributed to one “Bodhisattva,” commonly taken as the famous Indian abbot and scholar Śāntarakṣita (Tib. zhi ba ’tsho, eighth century), who composed them for the Tibetan emperor Tri Songdetsen (Tib. khri srong lde btsan, 742–97). Since that time, rituals associated with the sūtra have been especially esteemed by political leaders not only in Tibet but in Mongolia and China as well, probably due to the promises within the text that whoever offers worship to the seven thus-gone ones will have an abundance of prosperity and health.

i.12受到經文中描述禮拜七如來的某些段落啟發,以及整部經文的影響,許多註釋詳細說明了人們如何實際執行其中包含的儀式。西藏現存最早的這類禮儀註釋出現在丹珠爾中,它們被歸於一位「菩薩」,通常被認為是印度著名的寺院住持和學者寂護(藏文:zhi ba 'tsho,八世紀),他為西藏皇帝赤松德贊(藏文:khri srong lde btsan,742–97)編纂了這些註釋。從那時起,與本經相關的儀式在西藏乃至蒙古和中國的政治領導人中特別受到尊重,這可能是因為經文中的承諾——無論誰禮拜七如來,都將獲得豐富的福報和健康。

i.13The sūtra and the rituals surrounding it became popular at the Yuan court, and members of the court sponsored the sūtra’s publication in a wood-block edition. Śāntarakṣita’s liturgical adaptations of the sūtra were translated into Chinese by a disciple of Chögyal Pakpa (Pakpa Lodrö Gyaltsen, ’phags pa blo gros rgyal mtshan, 1235–80), the Sakya hierarch who served as national preceptor to Qublai Khan. Rituals of worship based on the sūtra were performed regularly in the Yuan capital Dadu (present-day Beijing). In the same period, Chim Namkha Drak (Tib. mchims nam mkha’ grags, 1210–85) wrote a short liturgy for the sūtra titled A Method for Accomplishing the Worship of the Seven Thus-Gone Ones (de bzhin gshegs pa bdun gyi mchod pa ji ltar bsgrub pa’i tshul). These liturgies continued to be popular over the ensuing centuries, and liturgies were written by prominent figures within every major school of Tibetan Buddhism.

i.13該經典及其周圍的儀軌在元朝廷變得流行,宮廷成員贊助了該經典的木版印刷版本。寂護的經典儀軌改編本由八思巴(八思巴洛德堅贊,1235–80)的弟子翻譯成中文,八思巴是薩迦派的領袖,曾擔任忽必烈汗的國師。基於該經典的禮拜儀軌在元朝大都(今北京)經常進行。同一時期,奇美南喀札克(1210–85)為該經典撰寫了一部簡短的儀軌,標題為《七如來供養成就方法》。這些儀軌在隨後的幾個世紀裡繼續流行,藏傳佛教各主要派別的傑出人物都撰寫了儀軌。

i.14Two seventeenth-century liturgies based on the sūtra were written by Panchen Lobsang Chökyi Gyaltsen (Tib. blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan, 1570–1662) and the Fifth Dalai Lama Ngawang Lobsang Gyatso (Tib. ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, 1617–82). Both were used in the liturgical practices of a number of the new and expanding Gelukpa (Tib. dge lugs pa) institutions that sprang up in the wake of the Gelukpa rise to political prominence with the founding of the Dalai Lama’s Ganden Podrang government in 1642. They also became popular among the Qing dynasty elite. Prince Yunli (1697–1738, known in Tibetan as Kengsé Chinwang), one of the sons of the Kangxi emperor (1654–1722), published the sūtra in Tibetan and in Mongolian translation in Beijing. The Panchen Lama’s and Dalai Lama’s liturgies were published in several editions in Beijing and were performed at temples throughout the capital, a practice that continued through the early twentieth century.

i.14班禪洛桑卻季堅贊(西元1570–1662年)和第五世達賴喇嘛阿旺洛桑嘉措(西元1617–82年)在十七世紀時各寫了一部基於此經的儀軌。這兩部儀軌都被用於許多新興和不斷擴展的格魯派機構的儀軌實踐中,這些機構在格魯派於1642年成立達賴喇嘛的甘丹頗章政府後政治地位上升之際相繼建立。這些儀軌也在清朝菁英中變得受歡迎。康熙皇帝(1654–1722年)的兒子允禮王爺(1697–1738年,藏文稱為肯美欽旺)在北京出版了該經的藏文版本和蒙古文譯本。班禪喇嘛和達賴喇嘛的儀軌在北京出版了多個版本,並在整個北京城的寺廟中進行誦經,這種做法一直延續到二十世紀初。

i.15This translation is based on the Tibetan translation from the Tantra Section in the Degé Kangyur, in consultation with the Tibetan translations in the Stok Palace Kangyur and the Comparative Kangyur (Tib. dpe bsdur ma). The section of the text that includes the Tibetan translation of the Bhaiṣajya­guru­sūtra was also checked against the Sanskrit editions of the Gilgit manuscripts prepared by Dutt, Vaidya, and Schopen. The names of the seven thus-gone ones are critical to many of the practices outlined in this work, but unfortunately Sanskrit equivalents are only attested for two of them: Bhaiṣajya­guru­vaiḍūrya­prabha and Supari­kīrtita­nāma­dheyaśrī­rāja. The Sanskrit names provided in this translation for the other five thus-gone ones follow the back-translations provided by Ronald M. Davidson, Lokesh Candra, and Sushama Lohia.

i.15本翻譯以德格版甘珠爾密續部的藏文譯本為基礎,並參照斯托克宮殿版甘珠爾和對勘版甘珠爾的藏文譯本。文中包含藏文譯本《藥師琉璃光如來經》的部分也與吉爾吉特寫本的梵文版本進行了對照,該版本由杜特、韋達亞和紹彭編訂。七如來的名號對於本著作中列舉的許多修持方法至關重要,但遺憾的是,其中只有兩個有梵文記載:《藥師琉璃光如來》和《善名稱吉祥王》。本譯文中其他五位如來的梵文名號係根據羅納德·戴維森、洛克什·錢德拉和蘇莎瑪·羅希亞提供的回譯而來。