Introduction
–Vasubandhu
—世親
“The instructions found in Distinctly Ascertaining the Meanings are for the purpose of analyzing the dharmas, since without the sūtras’ instructions a disciple cannot analyze the dharmas. Analyzing the dharmas is for the purpose of pacifying the afflictions; pacifying the afflictions is for the purpose of attaining the ultimate state.”
「義決定經中所說的教示是為了伺察諸法,因為沒有經典的教示,弟子就無法伺察諸法。伺察諸法是為了平息煩惱;平息煩惱是為了證得究竟境界。」
–Vīryaśrīdatta
—勇吉祥施
i.3Vīryaśrīdatta (fl. eighth century ᴄᴇ), the Nālandā master who commented on this sūtra, explains the expression distinctly ascertaining the meanings as a synonym of analyzing the dharmas , or classifying entities, so as to see directly both their unique traits and their shared features. This analysis constitutes a path to the realization that everything produced by assemblages of causes and conditions is impermanent, that everything leading to mental defilement is suffering, and that nothing whatsoever is or has a permanent and independent self.
i.3勇吉祥施是八世紀的那爛陀大師,為本經作了註釋。他將「義決定」這個表述解釋為「伺察法」(即分類事物)的同義詞,目的是直接看清事物的獨有特徵和共同特性。這種伺察構成了一條通往領悟的道路,使人認識到由因緣和合而生的一切事物都是無常的,導致心靈污染的一切事物都是苦的,以及絕對沒有任何事物具有永恆不變且獨立自存的自我。
i.4According to a well-established tradition, having the right view is to recognize impermanence, suffering, selflessness, and that nirvāṇa is peace. This liberating vision vanquishes the mind’s poisons of attraction, aversion, and confusion. The mind then turns toward the virtues of merit and wisdom, gradually giving way to the peace of nirvāṇa.
i.4根據確立已久的傳統,具備正見就是認識無常、苦、無我,以及涅槃是寧靜的。這種解脫的眼光摧毀了貪、瞋、癡這些心靈的毒害。心靈隨後轉向福德和智慧的德行,逐漸趨向涅槃的寧靜。
i.5Distinctly Ascertaining the Meanings is a step-by-step contemplation of all facets of reality and freedom from suffering. It starts with the five aggregates that constitute the common basis of defilement and purification and goes through the teachings on selflessness, the path to realize selflessness, and the higher stages of realization, and it culminates in the special features that belong exclusively to a fully awakened buddha. This invaluable archive of Buddhist terms and ideas is to be well absorbed and remembered, so as to make all other teachings easier to comprehend.
i.5《義決定經》是一部循序漸進地思考現實各個面向與脫離苦難的著作。它從構成污染與淨化共同基礎的五蘊開始,進而講述無我的教法、證悟無我的道路,以及更高階的證悟境界,最後達到唯有完全覺悟的佛陀才具有的特殊功德。這部珍貴的佛教術語與思想寶庫應當被充分吸收與記憶,以便更容易理解其他一切教法。
i.6Masters of the great monasteries of ancient India such as Nālandā, Vikramaśīla, and Odantapurī are likely to have held this text in high regard as an authoritative outline of the Dharma. The sūtra’s detailed and accessible commentary, the Gathering (Nibandhana) by Vīryaśrīdatta, is a didactically subtle and comprehensive manual of Buddhist philosophy. The Gathering reproduces much of the content of Vasubandhu’s Treasury of Abhidharma (Abhidharmakośa), an unsurpassed and thorough treatise of fundamental Buddhist thought; but while Vasubandhu’s text goes into much detail with the subject matter, the Gathering offers a much more accessible presentation of the same topics.
i.6印度古代那爛陀、超戒寺和小牛坡寺等大寺院的大師們很可能將此經視為權威的法教綱領而推崇備至。該經的詳細且易於理解的註疏《綴聚論》是由勇吉祥施所著,是佛教哲學在教學上精妙而全面的手冊。《綴聚論》再現了世親的《俱舍論》中的大量內容,《俱舍論》是關於佛教基本思想無與倫比且徹底的論著;但是,雖然世親的著作對主題進行了詳盡的探討,《綴聚論》卻為相同的主題提供了更為易於理解的呈現。
i.7Vīryaśrīdatta shows the purpose and structure of the sūtra, connects it to other texts, and offers convincing, cogent, and well-supported interpretations. He explains the structure of the sūtra by analyzing it into six topical elements:
i.7勇吉祥施闡明了經的目的和結構,將其與其他典籍相連繫,並提供具有說服力、邏輯嚴密且有充分依據的解釋。他通過將經分析為六個主題要素來說明經的結構:
i.81. the introductory presentation of the occasion when the sūtra was spoken (nidāna), which starts from the very beginning and goes up to the mention of the number of bhikṣus present;
i.81. 經典宣說的序緣部分(序分),從最初開始到提及在場比丘的數目為止;
i.92. the opening remarks by the Buddha (upodghāta), which immediately follow, in which he tells the bhikṣus that he is going to teach and they agree to pay attention;
i.92. 佛陀的開示(起說分),緊接著序分出現,其中佛陀告訴比丘們他將要開始講法,而比丘們同意專心聆聽;
3. the purpose of the teaching (prayojana), embedded in the very title of the sūtra, which is wisdom or, more precisely, “analysis of the dharmas” ( dharmapravicaya);
3. 教學的意義(意義分),它體現在經的標題本身,即智慧或更確切地說是「法的伺」(法伺);
i.104. the initial list of topics (uddeśa), which is the long list of twenty-seven topics that follows the opening remarks;
i.104. 議題的列舉分(uddeśa),即在開場白之後出現的二十七個議題的長列表;
5. the explanation of the topics (nirdeśa) mentioned in the initial list, which starts right after the initial list and continues to the end of the sūtra;
5. 對初始列舉中所提及主題的說明(說明分),始於初始列舉之後,並持續到經文的結尾;
i.116. the connection between the different expressions (anusandhi), more specifically showing how a later expression is thematically and/or logically connected to a prior one, which applies to the whole text.
i.116. 不同表述之間的連繫(連繫分),更具體地說是展示後來的表述在主題上和/或邏輯上如何與先前的表述相連,這適用於整部經文。
i.12The sūtra is also mentioned by Yaśomitra, the author of an extensive explanation (vyākhyā) on Vasubandhu’s Treasury of Abhidharma. Yaśomitra writes that according to “those who emphasize the sūtras” (Sautrāntika), while it is correct to say that the Buddha taught abhidharma, he did not teach separate abhidharmic treatises (as the Vaibhāṣika think); he taught the abhidharma in specific sūtras, such as Distinctly Ascertaining the Meanings . As the Buddha’s own paradigmatic statement on the actual nature of reality (dharmalakṣaṇa), the sūtra can be considered an authoritative overview of insight meditation (vipaśyanā). It shares some features with another sūtra transmitted in the Sarvāstivāda tradition, The Discourse on the Twenty-Two Faculties.
i.12《義決定經》在安慧的著作中也被提及。安慧是世親《阿毗達磨藏論》的詳細疏釋《釋論》的作者。安慧寫道,根據「強調經典的人」(經量部)的觀點,雖然可以正確地說佛陀教導了阿毗達磨,但他並沒有教導單獨的阿毗達磨論著(毘婆沙部就是這樣認為的);他在特定的經典中教導了阿毗達磨,比如《義決定經》。作為佛陀本身對現實實際本質(法相)的範式陳述,這部經可被視為毗婆舍那(觀察冥想)的權威性概覽。它與在說一切有部傳統中傳承的另一部經《二十二根經》有某些共同特點。
i.13The Sanskrit text of Distinctly Ascertaining the Meanings was first edited by Alfonsa Ferrari in 1944 on the basis of two incomplete manuscripts: one she describes as a “modern copy of a Nepalese manuscript from around the fourteenth century” in twenty-eight folios, about one third of which, she informs, contains the Nibandhana commentary, and another consisting of three folios photographed by Giuseppe Tucci in Ngor monastery in Ü-Tsang (an institution famous for its library of Sanskrit texts), which cover the first five paragraphs as per her edition. Ferrari points out that the Ngor manuscript may have been produced in Nālandā, and she further writes that “Professor Tucci has noted the presence of copies of the Arthaviniścaya, in Sanskrit, at Žalu and in other monasteries of Tibet.”
i.13《義決定經》的梵文本最初由阿爾馮薩·費拉里在1944年編訂,她以兩部不完整的梵文手稿為基礎:一部她描述為「十四世紀左右尼泊爾手稿的現代副本」,共二十八葉,其中約三分之一包含《義決定論疏》,另一部由朱塞佩·圖奇在烏藏地區的內果爾寺院拍攝的三葉手稿,按照費拉里的編訂版本涵蓋前五個段落。費拉里指出內果爾手稿可能是在那爛陀製作的,她進一步寫道:「圖奇教授已經注意到梵文本《義決定經》的副本存在於扎魯和西藏其他寺院。」
i.14A complete edition, on the basis of a Nepalese paper manuscript dated to 1858, preserved in Baroda, was published by P. L. Vaidya in 1961. Vaidya reports that, according to the postscript, the manuscript was copied from an older palm-leaf manuscript, in Newari script, from the Bir Library in Kathmandu. One rather striking feature of this manuscript, Vaidya reports, is that it contains the following sentence in Sanskrit, showing its awareness of Tibetan texts: “The complete information about this is found in the sūtra called Abhiniṣkramaṇa; thus it is related in the Tibetan language.” The anonymous Sanskritist was also a Tibetanist, it seems, or at least someone in dialogue with Tibetanists.
i.14一份完整版本由P. L. 韋迪亞在1961年出版,依據一份1858年的尼泊爾紙質手稿,保存在巴羅達。韋迪亞報告說,根據手稿的後記,該手稿是從舊棕櫚葉手稿抄錄而來,採用尼瓦里文字書寫,來自加德滿都的比爾圖書館。韋迪亞報告說,這份手稿的一個相當引人注目的特點是它包含以下梵文句子,顯示其對藏文文本的認識:「關於這一點的完整信息見於名為《出家經》的經中;因此以藏文記載。」這位匿名梵文學者似乎也是藏學家,或者至少是與藏學家有對話交流的人。
i.15In 1971, N. H. Samtani offered a much-improved and complete edition, including the first edition of the Nibandhana commentary, based on the photographs taken by Rahul Sankrityayan of a palm-leaf manuscript from Ngor monastery. Samtani’s edition, based as it is on the photographs of the oldest-available complete manuscript, is particularly valuable, and we have used it as the primary reference for the Sanskrit. However, all the above Sanskrit versions differ, in various respects, from the Kangyur version, and the Nepalese manuscripts edited by Ferrari, although not comparably old, contain sections that match the Tibetan translation more closely. Overall, the hypothetical Sanskrit original of (almost all) the Tibetan translation can be evinced by comparing the existing Sanskrit versions and looking at parallel passages in other Sanskrit and Pāli texts. This is extremely helpful, for it can greatly clarify the intended syntax of the Tibetan and, in a few cases, show how some obscure expression may be due to a mistake (even a printing mistake) in the transmission of the Tibetan.
i.151971年,N. H. 桑塔尼提供了一個大幅改進且完整的版本,包括《義決定論疏》的首次出版,該版本以拉胡爾·桑克里蒂亞延拍攝的恩戈寺貝葉經手稿為基礎。桑塔尼的版本以現存最古老的完整手稿照片為依據,特別珍貴,我們將其作為梵文的主要參考。然而,以上所有梵文版本在各方面都與甘珠爾版本存在差異,儘管費拉里編輯的尼泊爾手稿年代不夠古老,但其中某些部分與藏文翻譯的內容相符更密切。總體而言,(幾乎所有)藏文翻譯的假定梵文原本可以通過比較現存的梵文版本以及查閱其他梵文和巴利文文本中的平行段落來推斷。這極其有幫助,因為它能大大澄清藏文的預期句法,在某些情況下,還能說明某些晦澀表達可能如何源於藏文傳承中的錯誤(甚至印刷錯誤)。
i.16This English translation was prepared based on the Tibetan translation in the Degé Kangyur in consultation with the Comparative Edition (dpe bsdur ma) and the Stok Palace Kangyur. According to the Tibetan translators’ colophon, the Sanskrit text was translated into Tibetan by the Indian preceptors Jinamitra and Prajñāvarman, and the Tibetan translator Yeshé Dé. This would place the translation in the early ninth century, but it is worth noting that the translation is absent from both the Denkarma and Phangtangma inventories of Tibetan translations dated to that time. It is also worth mentioning that Jinamitra and Yeshé Dé figure among the compilers of the great Sanskrit–Tibetan lexicon the Mahāvyutpatti, which is a useful point to bear in mind when trying to understand the relationship between the Tibetan translation and the various Sanskrit versions.
i.16本英文翻譯以德格甘珠爾中的藏文譯本為基礎,並參考了校訂本(dpe bsdur ma)和斯托克宮甘珠爾。根據藏文譯者的跋文,此梵文經典由印度戒師寂友和般若護,以及藏文譯者智慧光共同翻譯成藏文。這應該將翻譯時間定在九世紀早期,但值得注意的是,這部譯作在甘珠爾目錄和方塘瑪目錄中都找不到,而這兩份目錄的時間都在那個時代。還值得一提的是,寂友和智慧光都參與了編纂偉大的梵藏詞典《大譯語論》的工作,這在試圖理解藏文譯本與各種梵文版本之間的關係時是一個有用的參考。
i.17The sūtra was also translated, twice, into Chinese: once by Faxian in the tenth century, and later by Jin Zong Chi in the eleventh century (Taishō 762 佛說決定義經 and Taishō 763 佛說法乘義決定經, respectively). Samtani (to whom the present translation is heavily indebted) points out that the two Chinese translations are based on a shorter and longer version, respectively, and discusses to some extent the differences between the different transmissions of this sūtra. According to De Jong, “Strictly speaking one can distinguish six different recensions: (1) the Ṅor manuscript; (2) the Nepalese manuscripts; (3) the first Chinese translation; (4) the second Chinese translation; (5) the Tibetan translation; (6) the text on which the commentary is based.”
i.17這部經也被翻譯成中文兩次:一次是法賢在十世紀的翻譯,後來是靳宗磁在十一世紀的翻譯(分別為大正藏762《佛說決定義經》和大正藏763《佛說法乘義決定經》)。參照對本翻譯貢獻甚大的三摩多提出,這兩部中文翻譯分別以較短和較長的版本為基礎,並在一定程度上討論了這部經不同傳承之間的差異。根據德容的說法,「嚴格來說可以區分出六種不同的版本:(1)宗廓寺手稿;(2)尼泊爾手稿;(3)第一部中文翻譯;(4)第二部中文翻譯;(5)藏文翻譯;(6)註疏所依據的文本。」
i.18We could add the version commented on in the anonymous don rnam par gdon mi za ba’i ’grel pa (Arthaviniścayaṭīkā, Toh 4365), an elaborate commentary that survives only in its Tibetan translation. This commentary follows a different scheme than the one adopted by the Nibandhana. It is worth noting that the Tibetan terminology differs, to some extent, from the one employed in the Kangyur version of the sūtra. For example, the very title of the sūtra ( Distinctly Ascertaining the Meanings ) is translated as don rnam par gdon mi za ba rather than don rnam par nges pa; this is significant, considering also that the Mahāvyutpatti has an entry rendering arthaviniścaya with don rnam par nges pa. Similarly, śrāvastī is translated as mnyan du yod pa, rather than just mnyan yod as in the Kangyur translation of the sūtra, even when the term appears as a quote of the root text. Alfonsa Ferrari described this commentary as “very long but pedestrian and attached to the letter,” comparing it unfavorably to the Nibandhana, which she describes as “shorter and juicier.” We are not sure whether this is a fair assessment, but “juicy” may be a very good way to speak of the rewards of reading Vīryaśrīdatta’s comments, some of which will be found in the notes and in the glossary, so as to offer at least glimpses of what one may be missing by not reading the Nibandhana. The Mahāvyutpatti explicitly relied on Vasubandhu’s work, and so does Vīryaśrīdatta in explaining the contents of this sūtra. His glosses thus offer some keys to the subtlety, greatness, and extraordinary dedication of the ancient translators from Sanskrit into Tibetan.
i.18我們可以加入在匿名的《義決定論釋》(藏文:don rnam par gdon mi za ba'i 'grel pa,梵文:Arthaviniścayaṭīkā,編號 Toh 4365)中被詮釋的版本,這是一部詳盡的論疏,僅以其藏文翻譯的形式保存下來。這部論疏採用的結構方案與《綴聚論》不同。值得注意的是,藏文術語在某些方面與甘珠爾版本經文中使用的術語有所不同。例如,經文的標題(《義決定經》)被翻譯為「don rnam par gdon mi za ba」而非「don rnam par nges pa」;考慮到《大譯語論》有一條詞條用「don rnam par nges pa」來翻譯「義決定」,這就顯得尤為重要。同樣,舍衛城被翻譯為「mnyan du yod pa」,而不是甘珠爾版本經文中的「mnyan yod」,即使這個術語作為根本經文的引用出現。阿爾馮薩·費拉里將這部論疏描述為「非常冗長但平凡乏味,拘泥於字面意思」,並將其與她所描述的「篇幅較短卻妙趣橫生」的《綴聚論》進行了不利的比較。我們不確定這是否是公平的評價,但「妙趣橫生」可能是描述閱讀勇吉祥施論疏所獲得的收穫的絕佳方式。其中一些內容將在註解和詞彙表中出現,以便至少能讓讀者一窺不閱讀《綴聚論》可能會遺漏的內容。《大譯語論》明確依據了世親的著作,勇吉祥施在解釋本經內容時亦是如此。因此,他的注疏為我們提供了某些線索,讓我們得以理解古代梵藏譯者所展現的精妙性、偉大性和非凡的奉獻精神。
i.19There are at least three modern translations of Distinctly Ascertaining the Meanings : one in Italian by Ferrari (1944), and two in English by Samtani (1971) and Ānandajoti (2016). None of these translations represents the Kangyur version, and we furthermore differ from all three in certain matters of interpretation. We hope this translation carries at least some of the flavor of the original with its recurrent phrases and topical lists so conducive to chanting and memorization.
i.19《義決定經》至少有三個現代翻譯版本:一個是費拉里於一九四四年翻譯的意大利文版本,兩個是薩姆塔尼於一九七一年和阿南達喬蒂於二零一六年翻譯的英文版本。這些翻譯都不代表甘珠爾版本,而且我們在某些解釋問題上與這三個版本都有所不同。我們希望這個翻譯能夠保留原文的一些風味,包括其反覆出現的短語和主題列表,這些都有利於誦讀和記憶。