Introduction
i.1The Sections of Dharma has a long history as part of the Tibetan Buddhist canon. It was among the first texts brought from India to Tibet during the Imperial period (seventh to ninth century ᴄᴇ) where it was translated by the prolific Tibetan translator Yeshé Dé alongside the Indian preceptor Prajñāvarman. Since it appears in both of the available Imperial catalogs, which are the earliest records of Tibetan scriptural translations, its existence in Tibetan translation can be posited as no later than 824 ᴄᴇ. Unfortunately, to our knowledge no version of the text is extant in Sanskrit or any other language besides Tibetan (and Mongolian, into which it was translated from the Tibetan), nor are there any known commentaries. This greatly limits our knowledge of its precise origins and context.
i.1《法的部分》在藏傳佛教經典中有著悠久的歷史。它是帝國時期(公元七至九世紀)從印度傳入西藏的最早文獻之一,由多產的藏族譯者耶舍德與印度戒師般若跋摩共同翻譯。由於它出現在現存的兩份帝國時期目錄中,而這些目錄是藏族經典翻譯最早的記載,因此可以確定其藏文翻譯的存在時間不晚於公元824年。遺憾的是,據我們所知,除了藏文版本(以及從藏文翻譯而來的蒙古文版本)外,沒有梵文或其他語言的文本版本保存至今,也沒有已知的論釋著作。這大大限制了我們對其確切起源和背景的了解。
i.2The title of the sūtra refers to the sections of teachings given by the Buddha, which are traditionally said to number 84,000. The sūtra begins with an inquiry by Śāriputra about the nature and number of the sections of the Dharma, to which the Buddha answers with a teaching on the absence of birth with regard to phenomena—a teaching that serves as an antidote to the poison of desire. The beginning of the sūtra thus situates the text explicitly in a Mahāyāna context, introducing as it does the notion that phenomena neither arise nor cease. Indeed, in the manner of the teachings of the second turning, the text deconstructs the reality and identity of objects of desire, thereby demonstrating that desires are mere fantasies based on imaginary objects and are not to be indulged in by the wise.
i.2經題指的是佛陀所宣講的法門,傳統上說有八萬四千個。這部經開始於舍利弗對法門的性質和數量的提問,佛陀以關於現象無生的教法作為回答——這個教法是對貪慾之毒的解藥。因此經文的開頭明確地將這部經置於大乘的語境中,介紹了現象既不產生也不消滅的觀念。確實,按照第二轉法輪教法的方式,這部經解構了欲望對象的實在性和同一性,從而證明欲望只是基於虛幻對象的幻想,智慧者不應當沉溺其中。
i.3This second-turning introduction to the problem of desire, however, leads to an extensive discussion of a topic that, due to its emphasis on the elimination of desire as such, would generally be considered a first-turning teaching—namely, the repulsiveness of the human body, and the female body in particular. In its presentation of the female constitution, the sūtra in fact disparages women in a way that most modern readers would find offensive—José Cabezón has aptly described the sūtra as “one of the most misogynistic texts in the Buddhist canon.” Nonetheless, recent research has shown that the repulsive nature of the female body was in fact a common theme in early Mahāyāna texts. In their studies of texts dating to the beginning of the common era, Ulrich Pagel (1995), Jan Nattier (2003), and Daniel Boucher (2008) have argued that one major strand of early Mahāyāna involved male monastics eager to engage in demanding ascetic practices. The deprecatory descriptions of the repulsiveness of women’s bodies that form the main argument of The Sections of Dharma might have served to support such efforts of male monastics to attain the ideal of renunciation. In this respect, Boucher and Nattier have noted how women were often deprecated and represented as an obstacle to men’s practice in some early Mahāyāna texts, and this very much accords with the tone of the present sūtra. In fact, according to these scholars, the early Mahāyāna might even have seen a decrease in the participation of women in Buddhist institutions, contrary to a popular modern understanding of the Mahāyāna as a more egalitarian movement than the “mainstream” tradition. Nevertheless, although this sūtra does in many ways seem to support this analysis, toward the end of the sūtra the Buddha twice describes the intended audience as the fourfold assembly of monks, nuns, laymen, and laywomen. The sūtra itself, therefore, professes to benefit not only male monastics with its message of the repulsiveness of the human—and, more particularly, the female—body, but really anyone, whether male or female, ordained or lay.
i.3這一段二轉法輪對於貪慾問題的介紹,卻引發了一個廣泛的討論,由於其強調消除貪慾本身,通常被認為是初轉法輪的教法——即人體的不淨性,特別是女性身體的不淨性。在其對女性身體的呈現中,該經文確實以一種大多數現代讀者會感到冒犯的方式貶低女性。何塞·卡貝松恰當地將該經文描述為「佛教經典中最具厭女性傾向的文本之一」。儘管如此,近期研究已表明,女性身體的不淨性實際上是早期大乘佛教文本中的常見主題。在對公元紀年初期文本的研究中,烏爾里希·帕格爾(1995)、揚·納提埃(2003)和丹尼爾·布歇(2008)主張,早期大乘佛教的一個主要流派涉及渴望從事嚴格苦行修習的男性比丘。《法門品》中形成主要論點的貶低女性身體不淨性的描述,可能是為了支持男性比丘達到捨離理想的努力。在這方面,布歇和納提埃指出,在一些早期大乘佛教文本中,女性經常被貶低並被表現為對男性修行的障礙,這與現存經文的基調非常相符。事實上,根據這些學者的說法,早期大乘佛教甚至可能見證了女性在佛教機構中參與的減少,這與關於大乘佛教作為比「主流」傳統更平等運動的流行現代理解相反。儘管如此,雖然該經文在許多方面似乎支持這一分析,但在經文的結尾,佛陀兩次將預期的聽眾描述為由比丘、比丘尼、優婆塞和優婆夷組成的四眾。因此,該經文本身聲稱不僅受益於男性比丘及其關於人體——更特別是女性身體——不淨性的信息,而是真正惠及任何人,無論男性或女性,出家或在家。
i.4In spite of such calls for a broad audience, this approach is likely to have resonated most clearly with male monastics, as it represents a Buddhist perspective that runs right from the institutional androcentrism of early monastic Buddhism to the valorization of ascetic discipline in the early Mahāyāna. The theme common to the present text and those studied by Boucher and Nattier suggests that we might also locate this sūtra among the earlier strata of Mahāyāna sūtras that emerged in the first centuries ᴄᴇ. An interesting difference, however, is The Sections of Dharma’s explicit usage of prajñāpāramitā themes in its discussion of such concepts as the absence of birth and cessation with regard to phenomena; such themes are absent from the texts studied by Boucher and Nattier. The Sections of Dharma therefore seems to belong to a different stream of early Mahāyāna texts: one still centered on monastics, rather than lay bodhisattvas, yet simultaneously inspired by prajñāpāramitā themes. This thematic duality is also reflected in the fact that the early imperial catalogs categorized this scripture as a Mahāyāna sūtra, yet the translation colophon in the Stok Palace Kangyur notes that it belongs to the first turning of the wheel of Dharma (bka’ ’khor lo dang por gtogs pa’o). Indeed, though it does broach prajñāpāramitā concepts, the sūtra is still very much set in the hearers’ monastic context, exemplified by the fact that the Buddha teaches in the presence of worthy ones (arhants), and not bodhisattvas. The sūtra’s concluding verse, which states that the Buddha did not expound this teaching to spiritual practitioners, but only to those who still indulged in desires, moreover suggests that the main body of the text is a teaching of provisional meaning, which is meant for beginners on the path and later to be superseded by more advanced teachings. Teachings of provisional meaning are contextual and adapted to the spiritual capacities of their audiences. Since they do not literally expound the ultimate view, they require interpretation.
i.4儘管如此呼籲廣泛的受眾,這種方法很可能最清楚地引起了比丘的共鳴,因為它代表了一種佛教觀點,從早期僧伽佛教的制度性男性中心主義一直延伸到大乘中苦行紀律的推崇。現在的這部經文與布歇和納蒂爾所研究的經文之間的共同主題,表明我們也許可以將這部經文列在公元前幾個世紀出現的較早期大乘經典中。然而一個有趣的區別是,《法的章節》在討論現象的無生與無滅等概念時明確使用了般若波羅蜜多的主題;這些主題在布歇和納蒂爾所研究的經文中並不存在。因此,《法的章節》似乎屬於早期大乘經典的另一支流:它仍然以僧伽為中心,而非在家菩薩,但同時又受到般若波羅蜜多主題的啟發。這種主題上的二元性也反映在早期帝國目錄將這部經典歸類為大乘經典的事實中,但斯托克宮甘珠爾的譯經跋文指出它屬於初轉法輪。事實上,儘管它確實涉及般若波羅蜜多的概念,但這部經典仍然非常處於聲聞的僧伽背景中,這一點從佛陀在阿羅漢的面前講法,而不是在菩薩面前講法這一事實可見一斑。經典的結尾偈頌指出,佛陀並未向靈性修行者闡述此教法,而僅向那些仍然沉溺於貪慾的人闡述,這進一步表明經文的主要部分是方便教法,旨在幫助初入佛道者,後來會被更高深的教法所取代。方便教法是根據情境而調整的,適應其受眾的靈性能力。由於它們並未字面上闡述究竟見,因此需要解釋。
i.5One additional theme brought up by this sūtra deserves to be mentioned here. The modern reader may indeed be surprised by several passages describing how various physical and mental ailments that afflict women are caused by parasites (Tib. srin bu, Skt. krimi/kṛmi) that subsist in different parts of their bodies. According to the sūtra, such parasites are responsible for a host of (mostly undesirable) traits in the female physique. For example, some such parasites are said to live in the urinary tracts of women, where they find nourishment by eating away at their host. The parasites are described as causing women to become mentally disturbed, thus making them engage in uninhibited sexual activity. Other parasites are said to gnaw away at women’s brains, noses, throats, and so forth. The sūtra seems to describe the presence of these parasites in the female body as also accounting for the physical traits characteristic of women, such as their absence of facial hair, bulging breasts, and smooth throats.
i.5本經引起的另一個主題值得在此說明。現代讀者對於經中多處描述寄生蟲(藏文 srin bu,梵文 krimi/kṛmi)棲居在女性身體不同部位,從而引發各種身心疾病的段落,確實可能感到驚訝。根據本經,這些寄生蟲應該對女性生理上的諸多(大多是不良的)特徵負責。例如,有些寄生蟲據說棲居在女性的尿道中,以啃食宿主來獲得營養。經文描述這些寄生蟲會導致女性精神錯亂,從而使她們從事放縱的性活動。其他寄生蟲據說會啃食女性的大腦、鼻子、喉嚨等部位。本經似乎將這些寄生蟲在女性身體中的存在描述為女性身體的物理特徵的原因,例如她們沒有臉部毛髮、乳房隆起和光滑的喉嚨。
i.6Although the descriptions of the parasites that live specifically in the female body may be unique to this sūtra, descriptions of named parasites in the human body in general—some very detailed indeed—are found in several other works in the Kangyur, and the belief that parasites are the cause of various unpleasant physical conditions was already a well-established theory in Indian medical literature at the time of composition of this text. This notion, which perhaps developed from the observation of worms in decomposing corpses, was already present in the earliest Indic scripture dealing with cures and healing, the Atharvaveda, which was composed sometime between 1200–1000 ʙᴄᴇ and offers descriptions of various parasites, or, technically, “worms” (krimi) that invade the human body. Moreover, Jain and Kāmaśāstra literature, which are closer in temporal proximity to the present sūtra, both include theories of vaginal worms—in the Jain texts these are said to be killed through sexual intercourse, thus making sex an inherently non-virtuous act, and in the Kāmaśāstra literature they are described as causing the “itch” of a woman’s sexual desire. The sūtra thus offers a presentation of the female physique that draws from a theory of parasites that must have been aligned with commonly accepted notions of the human constitution in India at that time. It should also be noted that this presentation is in some ways reminiscent of the radical early Buddhist practice, familiar to Buddhist ascetics, of contemplating the stages of decomposition of corpses. That practice is well described in Buddhaghoṣa’s Visuddhimagga (ch. 6.88), for example, and may have been current in Mahāyāna circles as well, as this sūtra suggests. Buddhaghoṣa’s closing statements on this practice in fact parallel the approach and aim of this sūtra when he addresses men’s unfounded lust for women’s bodies. He writes that “…a living body is just as foul as a dead one, only the characteristic of foulness is not evident in a living body, being hidden by adventitious embellishments.”
i.6雖然專門描述寄生在女性身體中的寄生蟲的內容可能對這部經典獨有,但甘珠爾中的其他幾部著作都有對人體內整體寄生蟲的描述—有些描述非常詳細—而且寄生蟲導致各種不適身體狀況的信念在本經典創作時期的印度醫學文獻中已經是一個確立的理論。這個概念可能源於對腐爛屍體中蟲子的觀察,在最早處理治療和療法的印度文獻《雅俱吠陀》中就已經出現,該文獻成書於西元前1200-1000年之間,描述了入侵人體的各種寄生蟲,或準確地說是「蟲」(梵文krimi)。此外,時間上更接近本經典的耆那教和愛經文獻都包含陰道寄生蟲的理論—在耆那教文本中,據說這些蟲可以透過性交被殺死,因此使性交本質上成為不善的行為,而在愛經文獻中,它們被描述為導致女性性慾的「癢感」。因此,本經典提出的女性生理構成描述來自於一個必定與當時印度普遍接受的人體構成觀念相符的寄生蟲理論。還應注意的是,這種呈現方式在某些方面讓人想起早期佛教的激進實踐—這種做法對佛教苦行者而言很熟悉—即觀想屍體腐爛的各個階段。例如,覺音在其《清淨道論》(第6.88章)中就對這項實踐有詳細的描述,這項實踐在大乘圓子中可能也很流行,本經典就提示了這一點。覺音在談論這項實踐時的結尾陳述實際上與本經典的方法和目標相似,當他談及男性對女性身體的無根據的淫慾時。他寫道:「活人的身體和死人的身體一樣污穢,只是污穢的特徵在活人的身體中並不明顯,被偶然的裝飾所隱藏。」
i.7This English translation is based on the Degé (sde dge) version of the sūtra, in consultation with the textual variations recorded in the Comparative Edition (dpe bsdur ma). Additionally, when the readings in the Degé and the Comparative Edition appeared problematic, we consulted the Stok Palace manuscript. These variant readings, when significant, are indicated in the endnotes.
i.7本英文譯本以德格版的經典為基礎,並參照對勘本中記錄的文本變異。此外,當德格版和對勘本中的讀法出現問題時,我們會參考斯托克宮殿藏文手稿。這些重要的變異讀法在註釋中有所標註。
i.8Finally, our translation also benefitted from contributions by José Cabezón, who generously shared his draft translation of the entire sūtra with the committee and offered many helpful comments. Selected parts of Cabezón’s translation of the sūtra have since been published in his groundbreaking study on sexuality in Indian Buddhism, where the interested reader will find further reflections on this sūtra, and the topics of gender and sexuality in Buddhism in general.
i.8最後,我們的翻譯也受益於何塞·卡貝松的貢獻,他慷慨地與委員會分享了他對整部經的初稿翻譯,並提供了許多有幫助的評論。卡貝松對該經的部分翻譯已經發表在他關於印度佛教中的性別問題的開創性研究中,有興趣的讀者可以在那部著作中找到對該經的進一步思考,以及關於佛教中性別和性的一般性主題的反思。