Introduction
i.1The setting for this sūtra is Āmrapālī’s Grove in Vaiśālī, where the Buddha Śākyamuni taught and performed miracles. The Lord Buddha visited Vaiśālī several times. First, in the fifth year after his enlightenment, he spent the rainy season there; later, he laid down various rules of the Vinaya at Vaiśālī, as well as giving other important discourses. On his last visit he announced his approaching parinirvāṇa. In addition, one hundred years after the Buddha’s parinirvāṇa, it was the site of the second Buddhist Council.
i.1本經的背景設在毘舍離的庵羅樹園,釋迦牟尼佛曾在此地教導並示現神蹟。佛陀多次造訪毘舍離。首先,在他覺悟後的第五年,他在那裡度過了雨季;之後,他在毘舍離制定了各種律法,並給予其他重要的教法。在他最後一次造訪時,他宣布了自己即將來臨的般涅槃。此外,在佛陀般涅槃後的一百年,毘舍離成為了第二次佛教結集的地點。
i.2This sūtra relates the story of a monk who has been seduced by a prostitute and is deeply remorseful for his actions. Mañjuśrī takes him to seek the counsel of the Buddha. What is interesting is the way in which the Buddha deals with monastic discipline and the ethical impairment of the monk’s vows, contrasting the view of emptiness, or the lack of intrinsic nature of phenomena, and morality. Here, the view of emptiness trumps the code of monastic discipline as explained in the Vinaya. From the point of view of the monk’s vows, sleeping with a woman is a disaster; however, this moral discourse takes the point of view of emptiness. This is an example of how the codes of monastic discipline are sometimes subordinated to the ultimate view of emptiness. Although the Vinaya is practiced in all vehicles, including the Vajrayāna, it is given different priorities. For example, in the Mahāyāna, if a monk holds the bodhisattva vows, certain exceptions can be made to his monastic vows, such as the one that prohibits touching a woman, when he is employing skillful means. Here in this text, however (although it is a Mahāyāna sūtra), the emphasis is not on any such skillful means, but on the metaphysical view of emptiness.
i.2這部經講述了一位比丘被妓女誘惑,對自己的行為深感懊悔的故事。文殊菩薩帶他去尋求佛陀的開示。有趣的是佛陀處理比丘戒律和倫理失犯的方式,將空性的見解(即現象缺乏內在本質的特性)與道德相對比。在這裡,空性的見解勝過律藏所解釋的比丘戒律守則。從比丘戒律的角度看,與女性睡眠是一場災難;但這部道德論述採取了空性的角度。這是一個例子,說明比丘戒律有時會被歸於空性的究竟見解之下。雖然律法在包括密乘在內的所有教乘中都被實踐,但它被賦予不同的優先次序。例如,在大乘中,如果比丘受持菩薩戒律,當他運用善巧方便時,可以對他的某些比丘戒律做出例外,例如禁止與女性接觸的戒律。然而在這部經文中(儘管它是大乘經),重點不在任何這樣的善巧方便上,而在於空性的形而上見解。
i.3The Degé Kangyur version of this sūtra was compared to those in the Stok Palace Kangyur and Lhasa Kangyur; discrepancies and remarks are indicated in the endnotes. This text was translated solely on the basis of the Tibetan versions, as a Sanskrit original has not been found. When the names of individuals are generally known in Sanskrit, e.g. Mañjuśrī, they are presented here in Sanskrit. In the case of many other personal names, however, it is difficult to establish from the Tibetan translation an unquestionable rendering back into Sanskrit; these names are therefore translated into English instead.
i.3本經的德格版甘珠爾譯本已與斯托克宮廷版甘珠爾和拉薩版甘珠爾進行了比較,其中的差異和說明標注在尾註中。本文本僅根據藏文版本進行翻譯,因為尚未發現梵文原本。當個人名字通常為人所知的梵文名稱時(例如文殊菩薩),本譯本採用梵文呈現。但在許多其他人名的情況下,從藏文翻譯中很難確立無可置疑的梵文譯法,因此這些名字改為譯成英文。
i.4The Sanskrit title of the work, as transcribed in the Degé and most other recensions of the Kangyur, is—shorn of its honorific elements—Karmāvaraṇaviśuddhasūtra, which could be translated as “purified of karmic obscurations.” However, the sūtra is mentioned in Śāntideva’s Śikṣāsamuccaya with the title Karmāvaraṇaviśuddhisūtra (which is also the spelling given in the Narthang Kangyur), and we have followed most modern catalogers of the Kangyur in taking this spelling as the probable original version, rendering it as Purification of Karmic Obscurations.
i.4根據德格版和甘珠爾其他多數版本中記載的梵文標題,刪去敬語部分後為——《業障清淨經》(Karmāvaraṇaviśuddhasūtra),可譯為「業障得以清淨」。然而,寂天在其《學處攝頌》中提及該經時,使用的標題為《業障清淨經》(Karmāvaraṇaviśuddhisūtra),納塘版甘珠爾中也採用此種拼寫。我們遵循甘珠爾大多數現代編目者的做法,認為此拼寫為原始版本的可能性最大,因此將其譯為《業障清淨經》。
i.5According to the colophon, the sūtra was originally translated from Sanskrit into Tibetan by the Indian preceptors Jinamitra and Prajñāvarman, and by the principal editor-translator (lo tsā ba), Bandé Yeshé Dé (ban de ye shes sde), and others. Jinamitra was a Kaśmīri of around the late eighth to early ninth century who travelled to Samyé Monastery in Tibet during the reign of the Dharma king Trisong Detsen (khri srong lde btsan) to engage in translation; he and Yeshé Dé collaborated on the translation of many hundreds of works. The translation of this text is listed in the Denkarma (ldan dkar ma) catalog, compiled in 824, and was thus most likely prepared in the early ninth century.
i.5根據此經的尾記,該經最初由印度戒師寂友和般若跋摩,以及主要編譯者班智達智慧光和其他人將其從梵文翻譯為藏文。寂友是一位喀什米爾人,約生活在八世紀末至九世紀初,他在法王赤松德贊統治期間前往西藏桑耶寺進行翻譯工作;他與智慧光在翻譯數百部著作時有過密切的合作。此文本的翻譯列在編纂於824年的敦煌目錄中,因此很可能是在九世紀初期完成的。