Introduction

i.1At first glance, the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­sūtra (“The Sūtra of the Inquiry of Jayamati”) appears to be a short Mahāyāna sūtra preserved in the Tibetan Kangyurs, as well as in a recently published Sanskrit manuscript. However, despite appearances, the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­sūtra in fact has an intertextual relationship, previously unrecognized, as part of the Śūraṃgama­samādhi­sūtra (“The Concentration of Heroic Progress”) (Apple 2015).

i.1《吉祥慧經》(即《吉祥慧菩薩所問經》)乍看之下,是一部保存在藏文甘珠爾中的短篇大乘經,也保存在最近出版的梵文手稿中。然而,儘管表面如此,《吉祥慧經》實際上與《勇猛精進三昧經》(即《英勇進步的三昧》)存在著先前未被認識到的相互文本關係。

i.2The Sanskrit version of the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­sūtra is preserved as the eighth among twenty sūtras contained in a unique, but incomplete, manuscript collection recovered from the Potala Palace in Lhasa, Tibet. The Sanskrit edition is divided into three paragraphs with section numbers. We have retained the section numbers in the following translation of the Tibetan version. The Tibetan version of the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­sūtra exists in twelve available Tibetan exemplars that date initially from the late eighth to mid-ninth century, beginning with the Dunhuang IOL Tib J 75 exemplar, up through the vulgate editions of handwritten and printed Kangyur versions which date from the thirteenth to the eighteenth centuries.

i.2梵文版本的《吉祥慧詢問經》保存在從西藏拉薩布達拉宮出土的一份獨特但不完整的手稿合集中,是其中二十部經典中的第八部。梵文版本分為三個段落,並標有章節編號。在以下藏文版本的翻譯中,我們保留了這些章節編號。《吉祥慧詢問經》的藏文版本現存十二份抄本,時間範圍從八世紀末至九世紀中期開始,最早的是敦煌IOL Tib J 75抄本,直到十三至十八世紀的甘珠爾手寫本和印刷本等通行版本。

i.3The Inquiry of Jayamati is listed in two early ninth century Tibetan catalogs, the Lhenkarma (lhan kar ma), and the Phangthangma (’phang thang ma), as the Jayamati­paripṛcchā (rgyal ba’i blo gros kyis zhus pa) in eleven ślokas. The late thirteenth century catalog of the Tibetan Kadampa master Darma Gyaltsen (dar ma rgyal mtshan, 1227-1305), commonly known as Chomden Reltri (bcom ldan ral gri), lists the sūtra as the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā (rgyal ba’i blo gros kyis zhus pa) in eleven ślokas. A listing of texts appended to the History of Buddhism in India and its Spread to Tibet by Butön Rinchen Drup (bu ston rin chen grub, 1290-1364) also records the work as the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā (rgyal ba’i blo gros kyis zhus pa) in eleven ślokas. These catalog lists match the Tibetan title of the sūtra that is found in a marginal note above the first line of the Sanskrit manuscript of the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā as ’phags pa rgyal ba’i blo gros kyis zhus pa’i mdo ste brgyad par rdzogs so.

i.3《吉祥慧的請問經》在九世紀早期的兩部藏文目錄中被列出,分別是《蓮花函目錄》(蓮花函)和《廣函目錄》(廣函),標題為《吉祥慧的請問》(吉祥慧的請問),共十一首頌文。十三世紀晚期,藏傳噶當派大師達瑪·格亞爾尊(達瑪·格亞爾尊,1227-1305)通常被稱為瓊登·熱爾日(瓊登·熱爾日),他的目錄將此經列為《吉祥慧的請問》(吉祥慧的請問),共十一首頌文。布頓·仁欽·竹(布頓·仁欽·竹,1290-1364)所著《印度佛教史及其傳入西藏史》末尾附錄的文獻目錄中,也將此作品記載為《吉祥慧的請問經》(吉祥慧的請問),共十一首頌文。這些目錄記載與藏文梵文手稿《吉祥慧的請問經》首行上方邊欄注記中所見的藏文標題相符。

However, among vulgate Kangyurs, the Tshalpa (tshal pa) editions of Cone (C), Degé (D), Jangsatham (J), Peking (Q), the independent Kangyurs of Phug brag (F, F2), and the Gondlha (Go) proto-Kangyur give the title as The Mahāyāna Sūtra “Jayamati” (Jaya­mati­nāma­mahā­yāna­sūtra, rgyal ba’i blo gros zhes bya ba theg pa chen po’i mdo), while only the Kangyurs of the Thempangma (thems spang ma) line of London (L) and Stok Palace (S), as well as the mixed Kangyur of Narthang (N), give the title, in Tibetan at least, as ’phags pa rgyal ba’i blo gros kyis zhus pa zhes bya ba theg pa chen po’i mdo, (The Mahāyāna Sūtra “The Inquiry of Jayamati”). Although this should translate the Sanskrit Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­nāma­mahā­yāna­sūtra, these Kangyurs, too, use the Sanskrit title Jaya­mati­nāma­mahā­yāna­sūtra. None of the available Tibetan editions have a colophon that lists the translators of the sūtra.

然而,在流行的甘珠爾版本中,察爾巴(察爾巴)的各個版本——囊括棱(C)、德格(D)、仰薩塘(J)、北京(Q),以及獨立的浦布拉(F、F2)和貢德哈(Go)原始甘珠爾版本——都將標題列為《大乘經「吉祥慧」》(吉祥慧名大乘經),而只有特姆龐瑪(特姆龐瑪)倫敦(L)和斯托克宮殿(S)版本的甘珠爾,以及那爛陀(N)的混合甘珠爾,至少在藏文中才將標題列為「聖吉祥慧所問大乘經」(聖吉祥慧所問大乘經)。雖然這應該能對應梵文《吉祥慧問經名大乘經》,但這些甘珠爾版本也都使用梵文標題《吉祥慧名大乘經》。所有現存的藏文版本都沒有記錄本經譯者的後記。

i.4Analysis of the Sanskrit and Tibetan versions indicate that they preserve different nidāna or prologues. The Sanskrit version has the Bhagavān residing at Vulture’s Peak in Rājagrḥa with a great company of 1,250 monks, while the Tibetan version has the Bhagavān residing in Śrāvastī, in Jeta’s Wood, Anāthapiṇḍada’s Park, together with a great assembly of monks and a great multitude of bodhisatvas. Vinītā’s study also notes that the conclusions of the Sanskrit and Tibetan versions differ. These differences between the Sanskrit and Tibetan versions of the introductory settings and formulaic conclusions may well indicate that this brief sūtra was redacted in a manner similar to the Mūla­sarvāsti­vāda rules on “how to make up a sūtra.” This is based on the fact that all Tibetan versions of the sūtra give Śrāvastī as the setting, this being the favored location for a redacted text among the Mūla­sarvāsti­vāda according to Gregory Schopen’s recent analysis.

i.4梵文版和藏文版的分析表明,它們保留了不同的序分或序言。梵文版中,薄伽梵住在王舍城的靈鷲峰,與一千二百五十位比丘的大眾在一起。而藏文版中,薄伽梵住在舍衛城的祇樹給孤獨園,與眾多比丘和大量菩薩的大集會在一起。維尼塔的研究也指出梵文版和藏文版的結尾存在差異。這些梵文版和藏文版在引言場景和公式化結尾之間的差異,很可能表明這部簡要的經是按照根本說一切有部「如何編纂經」的規則進行編訂的。這是基於以下事實:所有藏文版本的經都將舍衛城作為背景地點,根據格雷戈里·肖彭最近的分析,這是根本說一切有部中被編訂文本所偏好的地點。

i.5The other immediately apparent difference in content between the Sanskrit and Tibetan versions is that the edited Tibetan contains nineteen prescriptions rather than the fourteen in the Sanskrit. In the following translation, the third and fourth prescriptions in the Tibetan are in inverse order compared with the Sanskrit. Notably, the eighth prescription in the Tibetan version discusses knowledge, while the Sanskrit version has meditative absorption. Classical philological and phylogenetic textual analysis of the available Tibetan exemplars of the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā indicates there are four lines of textual relations grouped within the (I) Tshalpa (C, D, J, N, Q, Y) line, (II) Thempangma (L, S) line, (III) Dunhuang (M) and Phug brag (F, F2) manuscripts, and (IV) Western Kangyur lines (Go). Textual analysis also indicates two recensions of the sūtra, with the Dunhuang exemplar and the two Phug brag exemplars, each containing sixteen prescriptions, representing one textual recension, while the Gondlha proto-Kangyur and vulgate Kangyurs represent another textual recension. The Dunhuang and Phug brag exemplars may represent early, but incomplete, Tibetan translations of the sūtra.

i.5梵文版本和藏文版本之間另一個立即顯現的內容差異是,經過編輯的藏文版本包含十九條教導,而梵文版本只有十四條。在下面的翻譯中,藏文版本的第三和第四條教導與梵文版本的順序相反。值得注意的是,藏文版本的第八條教導討論的是智慧,而梵文版本則是禪定。對現存《吉祥慧請問經》藏文抄本進行古典文獻學和系統進化文本分析表明,文本關係存在四個系統,分別歸類為:(一)札爾巴系統(C、D、J、N、Q、Y),(二)滇邦瑪系統(L、S),(三)敦煌(M)和普布拉格(F、F2)手稿,以及(四)西方甘珠爾系統(Go)。文本分析還表明該經存在兩個版本傳統,其中敦煌抄本和兩個普布拉格抄本各自包含十六條教導,代表一個文本版本傳統,而貢德拉原始甘珠爾和普遍流傳的甘珠爾則代表另一個文本版本傳統。敦煌和普布拉格抄本可能代表該經早期但不完整的藏文翻譯。

i.6Be that as it may, the doctrinal content of the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā, including all nineteen prescriptions found among vulgate Tibetan Kangyurs, is actually contained within the much older version of Kumārajīva’s early fifth century Chinese translation of the Śūraṃgama­samādhi­sūtra, the Shoulengyan sanmei jing, 首楞嚴三昧經 (Taishō. no. 642, 15), as well as the later ninth century Tibetan translation of the Śūraṃgama­samādhi­sūtra . This intertextual relation between the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­sūtra and Śūraṃgama­samādhi­sūtra has not been noticed before, either by traditional Buddhist scholars or by modern Buddhist studies scholars. Versions in French and English of the corresponding content are located in section 153 of Étienne Lamotte’s translation of the Śūraṃgama­samādhi­sūtra, under the title given by Lamotte, “Why and How to Practice the Heroic Progress.” Kumārajīva’s Chinese version and the Tibetan version of the Śūraṃgama­samādhi­sūtra, translated by Śākyaprabha and Ratnarakṣita, closely match the syntax and terminology found in the Tibetan version of the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­sūtra, despite several minor differences in wording (Apple, 2015).

i.6吉祥慧請問經的教義內容,包括在俗版藏文甘珠爾中發現的全部十九項規範,實際上都包含在龜茲三藏法師鳩摩羅什於五世紀初翻譯的首楞嚴三昧經中(大正藏第642號經,第15卷),以及後來九世紀藏文版本的首楞嚴三昧經中。吉祥慧請問經與首楞嚴三昧經之間的這種文本相關性以前從未被傳統佛教學者或現代佛教研究學者所注意到。相應內容的法文和英文版本位於艾蒂安·拉莫特對首楞嚴三昧經的翻譯第153節中,標題為拉莫特所給的「為何以及如何修習勇進」。鳩摩羅什的中文版本和由釋迦光和龍護翻譯的藏文版本的首楞嚴三昧經,其語法和術語與吉祥慧請問經的藏文版本中所發現的內容非常相符,儘管措辭上有幾個細微差異(Apple,2015)。

i.7Although there is a direct correspondence in content between the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­sūtra and this section of the Śūraṃgama­samādhi­sūtra, a significant difference between the two sūtras is the person speaking the prescribed content. In the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­sūtra the prescriptions are delivered by the Buddha to the bodhisatva Jayamati. The Śūraṃgama­samādhi­sūtra, on the other hand, attributes the prescriptions to Jayamati. After Jayamati proclaims the nineteen prescriptions in the Śūraṃgama­samādhi­sūtra, the Buddha responds to Jayamati, corresponding to section 154 of Lamotte’s Śūraṃgama­samādhi­sūtra translation, with a proclamation advocating the practice of the Śūraṃgama­samādhi, emphasizing how this samādhi encompasses and goes beyond the qualities that the bodhisatva Jayamati had declared.

i.7儘管《吉祥慧所問經》與《首楞嚴三昧經》的這一部分在內容上有直接的對應關係,但兩部經典之間存在一個重大差異,那就是宣說所規定內容的人物不同。在《吉祥慧所問經》中,這些規定是由佛陀向菩薩吉祥慧宣說的。而《首楞嚴三昧經》則將這些規定歸因於吉祥慧。在《首楞嚴三昧經》中,吉祥慧宣說了十九項規定之後,佛陀對吉祥慧做出回應,這對應於拉莫特《首楞嚴三昧經》翻譯的第一百五十四節,佛陀發表了倡導修習首楞嚴三昧的宣言,強調這個三昧如何包含並超越了菩薩吉祥慧所宣說的特質。

i.8The correspondence between the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­sūtra and this section of the Śūraṃgama­samādhi­sūtra brings up a number of interesting questions related to philology, intertextuality, and other cultural practices in the study of Mahāyāna sūtras. Based on the analysis of these sūtras, the stemma codicum for the content of the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­sūtra, due to its being incorporated into the Śūraṃgama­samādhi­sūtra, pushes the inferred archetype or oldest inferable ancestor of this sūtra back before the fifth century of Kumārajīva.

i.8吉祥慧經與楞嚴三昧經這一部分之間的對應關係,引發了許多有趣的問題,涉及大乘經典研究中的文獻學、互文性以及其他文化實踐。根據對這些經典的分析,吉祥慧經內容的文本系統發展,由於被納入楞嚴三昧經中,使得這部經的推測原型或最古老可追溯的祖本被推遠至庫摩羅笈多第五世紀之前。

i.9How do we know this? The content of the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­sūtra was wholly subsumed and inverted from the Buddha’s speech to represent the bodhisatva Jayamati’s proclamation, including all nineteen prescriptions in the Śūraṃgama­samādhi­sūtra. This means that the content of the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­sūtra must precede the composition of this section of the Śūraṃgama­samādhi­sūtra. Most modern scholars theorize that the Śūraṃgama­samādhi­sūtra is one of the oldest Mahāyāna sūtras due to its listing in Chinese catalogs as being translated several times before Kumārajīva’s fifth century Chinese version, including the non-extant second century Shoulengyan jing, 首楞嚴經, of Lokakṣema (支讖, 185 c.e.) and the lost third century translation of Zhi Qian (支謙). Although we are unable to verify that these early, but lost, Chinese versions included the section that corresponds with the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­sūtra, we can still infer that the content of the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­sūtra with its nineteen prescriptions must go back to the fourth century. It is highly probable that the content of the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­sūtra circulated as a type of subhāṣita or set of well-spoken sayings for monks who took up the vocation of Mahāyāna practices.

i.9我們如何知道這一點?《吉祥慧請問經》的內容被完全納入並反轉,從佛陀的言論改為代表菩薩吉祥慧的宣言,包括《首楞嚴三昧經》中全部十九條教言。這意味著《吉祥慧請問經》的內容必定早於《首楞嚴三昧經》這一部分的成書。大多數現代學者認為《首楞嚴三昧經》是最古老的大乘經典之一,因為它在中文目錄中被列為在鳩摩羅什五世紀的中文版本之前進行過多次翻譯,包括不復存在的支讖(約185年)的二世紀《首楞嚴經》和支謙失傳的三世紀譯本。儘管我們無法驗證這些早期但已失傳的中文版本是否包含與《吉祥慧請問經》相應的部分,我們仍然可以推斷《吉祥慧請問經》的內容及其十九條教言必定可以追溯到四世紀。很可能《吉祥慧請問經》的內容曾作為一種妙語或善言集在修行大乘法門的僧人中流傳。

i.10In sum, the evidence of relationships between the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­sūtra and Śūraṃgama­samādhi­sūtra brings a nuanced awareness to the intertextual relationships between Mahāyāna sūtras. This evidence indicates that the authorial communities that composed and compiled “Mahāyāna” texts during the Kuṣāṇa and Gupta eras in South Asia were aware of each other’s work and that there were shared elements between authorial communities of different “Mahāyāna” sūtras. The subsuming of the Jaya­mati­paripṛcchā­sūtra into the Śūraṃgama­samādhi­sūtra also provides a rare glimpse of something more. It points toward the editorial practices utilized by the authors of Mahāyāna sūtras to gain rhetorical advantage over competitors. The shared content demonstrates that the authorial communities of these sūtras were not only borrowing each other’s ideas, stock phrases, and literary tropes, but were actively competing to demonstrate that their vision of the bodhisatva way superseded the practices and motivations outlined by other groups.

i.10總而言之,《吉祥慧問經》與《楞嚴三昧經》之間的證據關係為大乘經典之間的互文關係帶來了微妙的認識。這些證據表明,在南亞笈多時代及貴霜時代創作和編纂「大乘」文本的編著群體彼此了解對方的著作,不同「大乘」經典的編著群體之間存在共同的元素。《吉祥慧問經》被納入《楞嚴三昧經》的做法也提供了更深層次的罕見視角。它指向了大乘經典作者所採用的編輯實踐,以此在與競爭者之間獲得修辭上的優勢。共享的內容表明,這些經典的編著群體不僅相互借鑒彼此的思想、固定詞組和文學修辭手法,而且在積極競爭,以證明他們對菩薩道的願景超越了其他群體所闡述的實踐和動機。

Introduction - The Sūtra of the Inquiry of Jayamati - 84001